Conference 2020

Panel 1: TBC

Paper 1: ‘Narrative Manifestations of a ‘Stigmatized Deity’ in the Periphery’
Author: Margaret Lyngdoh
Affiliation: Researcher, Department of Estonian and Comparative Folklore, University of Tartu, Estonia
Site-Specific Adaptations of Klingmekar among the Karbi and Khasi Khasi and Karbi tribes inhabit geographically contiguous States in Northeastern India.  In Meghalaya, the Khasi tribe are dominant whereas the Karbi in Assam comprise only one of the numerous small ethnic communities that make up the tribal population of the State. Thus, among both the Amri Karbi who inhabit the hill tracts of Karbi Anglong, and the Bhoi community of the Khasi who inhabit northern Khasi Hills, may be found narratives, rituals, and expressions of belief about a feminine non-human entity called Klingmekar/Klengmekar. This goddess is rarely talked about in casual, everyday contexts but she is central and stigmatized, in the secret magical practice, Jhare, among the Bhoi of Khasi Hills. Her presence among the Amri Karbi in Karbi Anglong, is more contested. Her figure is highly folklorised both among Karbi and Khasi. Along the Khasi borderland, in Jhare magical practice, numerous divinities source power and invest authority to the tradition. A more esoteric and stigmatised divinity comprises the goddess Klingmekar. In one origin account of Jhare, she is the originator of the ritual. However, the Karbi and Khasi both orally describe her to be a feminine entity, with red eyes who at night, can separate her head and send it to other places to do her will. But her body stays where it is. In Jhare, she is the most dangerous goddess who consumes people ‘raw’. Among the Karbi, Klengmekar is three women and in narratives, they were the ones who helped Karbi people in their migration route. But they also were cannibals who devoured Karbi people and in retaliation, Karbis killed them. She is ascribed a negative and sometimes, an ambivalent status in the community. This presentation looks at the continuity of tradition across ethnicities through the case study of the figure of Klingmekar. Border areas between Khasi Hills and Karbi Anglong become sites of the dense exchange of narratives that address questions and issues most significant to the tribe. In this presentation, I do not attempt a comparative study of Klingmekar/Klengmekar across communities. Rather, I look at site-specific adaptations of Klingmekar/Klengmekar that have been made adaptable to the communities that have embraced narratives about her. I argue that this micro-tradition, existent and present in the vernacular discourse of contemporary Karbi and Khasi, subverts the political drawing of borders, and indicates how historically there has been much more co-operation between different tribes than are actually acknowledged. Further, a salient feature of the present study is it’s exposition of how peripheral narratives, communities, and deities point to strategies in which folklore is deployed to divide and ‘other’ communities from dominant, authoritarian discourses. Keywords: Khasi, Karbi, narratives, goddess, cross-cultural

Paper 2: ‘Rituals of Peace-Making: Contemporary Ao Naga Practices of Inter-Village Reconciliation’
Author: Talilula Longchar
Affiliation: Nagaland Today, Dimapur, Nagaland, India
The Ao Nagas are one of the ethnic tribes of Nagaland, a state in the North Eastern part of India. As a society that practiced headhunting, relations between different villages within the Ao Naga tribe were rife with tensions and violent conflicts. These conflicts bled into other aspects of everyday life and warring villages were strictly forbidden to share food, inter-act or inter-marry within one another as such unions were believed to be cursed. The process of reconciling such enmity was initiated either by the warring villages themselves or through the interference of a third village. This involved several steps which included oath taking and paying Putisü – an indemnity by the losing village which was usually paid in terms of human trophies. The advent of Christianity stopped the practice headhunting among Nagas, a ritualistic tradition of taking the head of enemies, which was also the main source of conflict and violence among the tribes as well as villages and clans within the same tribe. While the prohibition on headhunting was able to bring a semblance of peace externally, by putting a halt to the violence and bloodshed, the underlying tensions persisted. Social and cultural taboos still existed between the warring villages and the internal animosity played out in different forms. Using the case study of the reconciliation process that occurred between three Ao Naga villages- Molungkimong, Merangkong and Yajang between 2018 and 2019, this paper will look into the evolution of reconciliation traditions, practices and beliefs in Ao Naga society, the role of the Christian Church in peace-making processes, its impact on the social, economic and political spheres of life, and how conflict generates the essential processes of peace-making processes.

Panel 2: Meeting the Challenges: Survival Strategies of the Bhutanese Refugees in the United States
Refugee resettlement in the United States has been at the center of the recent debates on immigration. According to the 1951 Geneva Convention, Third Country resettlement is one of the durable solutions to a refugee crisis. One such successful resettlement was that of the 90,000 Bhutanese refugees in the United States. The papers in this panel will attempt a cross-disciplinary approach to examining the survival strategies of the Bhutanese refugees resettled in the United States and San Antonio, Texas in particular. The Bhutanese have adapted to life in America assimilating to the American system as best as they can. Whether it is through participating in community urban farming, or other community events, the Bhutanese refugees have found a strategy of not only integrating into the new American culture, but also keeping their own culture and traditions alive.The Bhutanese refugees draw on their strengths and  also the vulnerabilities that they brought with them, in negotiating the issues of citizenship, home and identity in this foreign country. Like other immigrant communities in San Antonio, the stories of the Bhutanese refugee experience in America have the ability to empower, integrate and preserve their identity in this foreign land. Through the use of ethnographic research methods, the authors who are from different disciplines have put together a colourful and anecdotal account of Bhutanese refugee resettlement in America. The research concludes that even though the Bhutanese refugees have faced many challenges, their success stories indicate that they are well on their way to becoming an important and productive community in the United States.

Paper 1: A Decade Later: Challenges and Success Stories of Bhutanese Refugee Resettlement in the   United States
Author: Dr. Lopita Nath
Affiliation: Professor and Chair of the History Department, Coordinator of Asian Studies University of the Incarnate Word San Antonio, Texas, USA
Since 2008 almost 96, 000 Bhutanese refugees have been resettled in the United States of America. After 20 years or more in refugee camps in Nepal and several failed negotiations by the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees to repatriate the refugees back to Bhutan, third country resettlement became the only solution. After the first wave of arrivals, Bhutanese refugees began to arrive in large numbers, until last year when only about 7,000 refugees have remained in the two of the seven camps in South eastern Nepal. A decade of resettlement, and one of the greatest success stories of third-country resettlement, was still fraught with questions. Was resettlement easy? The Resettlement agencies provide assistance and aid to the refugees to start their life in the United States. However, despite the efforts to help them achieve self-sufficiency, the Bhutanese refugees face innumerable complexities, like the language barrier, unemployment, inability to find jobs commensurate to their educational qualifications, and the problems of adjustment faced by the elderly, including the high rate of suicide among them, which stand in the way of an easy resettlement. There is also the question of the Bhutanese youth and the effects of a western/American life on them. On the flip side, there are many success stories of the refugees. In 2019 A Bhutanese Refugee was elected to the District Council in Columbus, Ohio, the children are being successful in school and carving out successful careers, the middle aged are settling down in jobs and successful businesses, while making sure that they are taking care of the elderly. The Bhutanese refugees come with the advantage of the English language and a strong desire to be successful. Many of them have overcome the odds and cultural barriers and have made a success of their lives in the United States. The paper will focus on the challenges of resettlement among the Bhutanese refugees. Life in America for the refugees has been challenging. The Bhutanese refugees bring with them specific cultural and psychological vulnerabilities, which require careful approach for successful resettlement.

What have been the coping strategies of the Bhutanese in America? How has the success of some affected those who are lagging behind? How are these refugees negotiating the issues of cultural differences, citizenship, home and identity in their new home? A decade later, an assessment of the Bhutanese refugee resettlement in America reveals a story of resilience, brotherhood and community building, to ensure a balanced life in the U.S.  While they assimilate structurally by participating in American institutions and American life, culturally and socially they have retained an element of nostalgia in recreating aspects of their homeland in their new home, which gives something to the different generations of Bhutanese-Nepalis to hold onto, in a land far from home.

Paper 2: Immigrant Communities, Sustainable Living and the CIELO (Community) Gardens: Bhutanese Refugees in San Antonio
Author: Jennifer Yanez-Alaniz
Affiliation: A poet and community activist, USA
Federal refugee policy calls for quick self-sufficiency for families and individuals resettled in the United States, causing families to transition quickly into a culture markedly different from life in camps set up in Nepal. Refugees are a particularly vulnerable population who suffer abrupt nutritional adjustments resulting from forced migration. This research explores how participating in community food gardening supports Bhutanese refugees’ overall integration with their new country while still maintaining cultural identity through food-growing and maintaining a diet rich with traditional meals.  This qualitative study explores the preservation of traditional culture among Bhutanese families who together grow fruits and vegetables in garden plots within an ethnically and culturally diverse community at an urban farm located in San Antonio, Texas. Considerable and ongoing research is being done primarily through ethnographic study with attention to the effects of resettlement on physical and social environments, diet, physical activity, income and access to healthcare.

Through informal conversations with nine individuals who garden with family and extended family units in San Antonio, we found that community garden participants hold familial agricultural land use and community belonging as very important benefits throughout the transition process. Community food gardens offer a real way for refugees to stay connected while building and expanding community in their new homes. This is significant given the increasing recognition of the importance of social connectedness, as well as community inclusivity, for overall wellbeing.

What this research aims to show is how Bhutanese families fare over time as they navigate through integrating American and Bhutanese cultures. Findings show that Bhutanese resettled in the US integrate well into their new communities after being in the United States for several years. Bhutanese refugees are in many regards similar to their U.S.-born neighbors, with similar rates of labor force participation, post-secondary education, and homeownership, despite challenges stemming from backgrounds of living in refugee camps, sparse educational opportunities, inability to work outside of the camps, and overall impoverished environments.  The large majority have improved or acquired English language skills after being in the country for several years and have become naturalized U.S. citizens at the early points of eligibility. In the long run, all attain varied levels of integration, and refugees who arrive as children and grow up in this country, show even more significant success.

We continue to observe and  consider open-ended  reflection focusing on the following topics: 1) changes in  parenting styles and values, 2) the preservation of  language of origin,  3) identity through food, music, and spirituality, and 4) changes in family systems and extended family, through the positive effects of gardening at CIELO Urban Farm regarding dietary transitions associated with changes in physical and social environments, physical activity, income, access to healthcare, and psychological and emotional well-being.

Panel 3: Heritage, Expertise, and Diaspora Dynamics in Nepal’s Post-Earthquake Reconstruction
This panel presents three papers emerging from a multi-year, transdisciplinary international research project, Expertise, Labour and Mobility in Nepal’s Post-Conflict, Post-Disaster Reconstruction (based at University of British Columbia with funding from the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council). Each paper considers the reconstruction process through a specific lens: heritage, expertise, and the role of diaspora communities. All three papers have been workshopped together and received feedback from a diverse group of colleagues from various disciplinary perspectives.

Papers 1: ‘Heritage is our Art, Culture and Identity’: Post-Earthquake Heritage Reconstruction in Nepal.
Author: Manoj Suji
Affiliation: Senior Research Associate, Social Science Baha, Kathmandu, Nepal
The 2015 Nepal’s earthquakes caused massive losses of human lives, economy and physical infrastructures as well as cultural heritage. According to the Post-Disaster Needs Assessment Report, approximately 2,900 historical, cultural, religious monuments and heritage sites including World Heritage sites in the Kathmandu Valley were damaged. When the formal reconstruction program began, major heritage sites of Kathmandu Valley including Bhaktapur Durbar Square, garnered much attention of national and international stakeholders such as Department of Archaeology and UNESCO, donors and heritage activists. However, heritage reconstruction became one of the most contested domains, especially in Bhaktapur Municipality, mainly due to the enforcement of international guidelines over local autonomy, historical and cultural identity in heritage reconstruction. Through several months of ethnographic work in 2018 and 2019 from Bhaktapur Municipality, in this paper we address three major questions: How did the dynamics of international and national laws, municipal guidelines, and involvement of different stakeholders affect heritage reconstruction? What approach did community members want to follow for heritage reconstruction and why? Why did Bhaktapur Municipality want to revive the Malla-period architecture through heritage reconstruction? Through a consideration of these questions, we argue that UNESCO guidelines adopted by the Department of Archaeology seem narrow in defining heritage and capturing people’s sentiment about their history and cultural values, which has led to contestations over heritage reconstruction. Conflicts are also caused and fueled due to the new policies and guidelines introduced by the federal government and the constitutional rights granted to the local authorities. The Local Government Operation Act 2017 allowed Bhaktapur Municipality to redefine their cultural identity and with such rights the municipality opposed the UNESCO guidelines for heritage reconstruction and opted for their own designs to revive Malla-period architectures. Likewise, community members preferred user’s group-led reconstruction, claiming that such approach would not only ensure deep sense of ownership of their historical and cultural identity, but also enhance transparency and quality reconstruction. The desire of Malla-period architecture was not only fostered by the awareness of identity politics; it was also means of resisting centralised power over their local autonomy.

Paper 2: ‘Expert Knowledge and Expertise in the Aftermath of April 2015 Nepal Earthquake’
Author: Nabin Rawal
Affiliation: Lecturer, Central Department of Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Nepal
Two major Nepal earthquakes in 2015 not only killed nearly 9,000 people but also caused massive damages in physical infrastructures, about 800,000 private houses and 6,278 government buildings. For the purpose of post-earthquake reconstruction within the notion of ‘Build-Back-Better’, Government of Nepal formed various forms of institutions, laws and policies and technical expertise. The National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) was formed in August 13, 2015 in coordination with relevant government ministries and numerous partner organizations (POs). As part of this post-earthquake reconstruction, NRA trained various engineers, sub-engineers, supervisors, field engineers and masons with the aim to produce technical human resources to assist the private housing reconstruction. Alongside, NRA has also deployed trained engineers circulating of new forms of expertise and large numbers of experts in rural areas of Nepal. Much of this flurry of activities centres on the profession of engineering—its forms of knowledge, technical practices and its personnel. Given this context, based on several months’ ethnographic work in Bhaktapur, Dhading and Sindhupalchowk in 2018, this paper seeks to understand how “expertise” in the form of professional engineering practice is deployed on the ground and in so doing, the paper also explores how the contemporary state with all its attendant institutions emerge as potent forces in people’s everyday lives (Harvey and Knox, 2015: 4) and how this disaster governance (cited in Tierney, 2012: 344) is navigated by the local people, not as passive beneficiaries but as active agents in the face of reconstruction activities. In so doing, the paper will also shed light on the grounded experiences of various actors as they go about their “re-construction” activities.

Paper 3: ‘Forging community through disaster response: Nepali-Canadians and the 2015 Earthquakes’
Author: Ramjee Parajulee
Affiliation: Faculty member, Political Science Department, Capilano University North Vancouver, BC, Canada
In April and May 2015, Nepal experienced 2 devastating earthquakes. Nearly 10,000 people died and 600,000 homes were destroyed in 14 districts of this South Asian country that is home to over 30 million people. The earthquakes were at once a traumatic and galvanizing experience for the approximately 30,000 Nepalis in Canada, which includes a population of about 2,000 in British Columbia.

As is well-documented in global disaster studies literatures, diaspora communities often play an important role in responding to disasters in their home countries. From fundraising, to providing direct relief, to providing advisory and translation services to humanitarian organizations, to speaking with the media, moments of crisis provide diverse opportunities for community engagement. In so doing, such moments of rupture may themselves work to forge diasporic identities. We argue that this was indeed the case for the Nepali-Canadian community in British Columbia. The experience of responding to the 2015 earthquakes enabled consolidation of an emergent South Asian identity in Canada, as it brought Nepali-Canadians into new relationships with each other, their home country, and other South Asian communities. Written collaboratively by a political scientist, an anthropologist and an economist (two of whom are Nepali-Canadians, with the third being an American anthropologist of Nepal who is now a permanent resident of Canada), this paper draws upon multiple disciplinary approaches to interpret disaster response within the Nepali-Canadian community in British Columbia, as well as ongoing research about the reconstruction process.

The paper draws upon our personal experiences with immediate post-earthquake responses. We present several brief vignettes that show how the category of ‘Nepali-Canadian’ became visible to individuals, organizations (both community-based and global humanitarian), and governments (both Nepali and Canadian) through the labour of disaster response on the ground in British Columbia. We describe how debates over fundraising strategies and recipients (Canadian Red Cross vs the Nepali Prime Minister’s Relief Fund, for instance) made explicit ideological differences within the community—often linked to political party affiliations back home—requiring in-depth discussion to reach consensus. We then explore how Nepali organizations networked with non-Nepali South Asian organizations, highlighting how ‘Nepaliness’ both fits and does not fit within received understandings of the category of ‘South Asian’ in BC. Finally, we consider how several Nepali-Canadians became involved with the broader swell of civil society ‘direct relief’ efforts, traveling to Nepal and ultimately raising funds for their own relief and reconstruction projects.